The not so “magical” formula for the distribution of Federal Council seats





Does the current “magic formula” still correspond to the will of the voters? A survey commissioned by the Swiss Broadcasting Corporation, SWI swissinfo.ch's parent company, has shown: A majority does not believe so.

2-2-2-1: This formula has been the basis for the distribution of seats in the Federal Council to the four major political parties of the country (Radical-Liberal Party, Swiss People's Party, the Centre, and Social Democratic Party) for over sixty years. Two seats are allocated to the three largest parties, one seat to the fourth largest party.    

The “magic formula” has always included only the four largest parties in the country - with the exception of 2008, when Christoph Blocher was removed as a Federal Councillor and the Conservative Democratic Party emerged on the left wing of the Swiss People's Party. The then Federal Councillors Samuel Schmid and Eveline Widmer-Schlumpf (both formerly Swiss People's Party) also joined the Conservative Democratic Party.    

However, according to the SBC electoral barometer conducted by the Sotomo Institute at the beginning of July, 58% of those surveyed wanted a new seat distribution within the government collegium, compared to 38% who were against it.

Among the respondents, the idea of a new seat distribution found the most approval among supporters of the Greens (93% yes) and the Liberal Greens (80% yes). But also a majority of the Social Democrat (76%) and the Centre (54%) voters support the idea. Conversely, those close to the Swiss People's Party (51% no) and especially to the Radical-Liberal Party (75% no) are against a change in the system.    

The magic formula, which applied from 1959 to 2003, the “2-2-2-1” formula with two Social Democrat seats, two seats for the Centre, two seats for the Radical-Liberal Party and one seat for the Swiss People's Party, was replaced in 2003 by a formula with two seats for the Swiss People's Party and one seat for the Centre. However, this shift to the right must be put into perspective.    

From 1999 and increasingly from 2007, a new political issue entered the political scene of Switzerland: the environment.    

In the 2019 elections of parliament, the climate issue reached its political peak so far: The two ecologically oriented parties, the Liberal Green Party and the Greens, achieved combined 21% of the votes.

The Greens and the Liberal Green Party are aware of their new electoral strength and have recently started to show their teeth.    

“There is room for a Green and a Liberal Green Federal Councillor,” Liberal Green President Jürg Grossen said in August 2022; if both parties achieved more than 10% of the votes.    

And although the Greens fell below the 10% mark in the elections of October 22, 2023, they decided to send Fribourg’s Gerhard Andrey into the race for the highest executive office in the country. It is a symbolic gesture intended to get people talking about the issue.    

The Radical-Liberal Party and the Swiss People's Party are of the opinion, the recent election results justify an extension of the magic formula that has been in effect since 2003. The Centre agrees, albeit with nuances.    

On November 11, Centre President Gerhard Pfister warned the two Federal Councillors of the Radical-Liberal Party. If they both stand for re-election, Pfister expects them to distance themselves from the “block politics” of the right-wing camp. In Pfister's view, the “right-wing pole” in the Federal Council is even less legitimised since the elections.

In the election day survey conducted by Sotomo on the weekend of the October elections, one of the questions asked: “If the Radical-Liberal Party is overtaken by the Centre in the elections and is only the fourth largest faction, should it then give up one of its two seats in the Federal Council?” A majority of 60% of respondents were open to questioning the current composition of the Federal Council. However, the Radical-Liberal Party remains in front of the Centre in terms of voter strength, although narrowly (14.3% for the Radical-Liberal Party, 14.1% for the Centre).

The party could therefore potentially claim a second seat in the Federal Council. However, these ambitions do not align with the party’s current goals. 

A not-so-magical magic formula

Find out where you stand

The upcoming Federal Council elections also raise the question of how well the Council accurately represents the will of the voters following the elections on October 23. Here is an overview of the seat allocation models currently being discussed.

For political science professor Adrian Vatter, it was already clear on the day of the parliamentary elections on March 23 that Switzerland was heading in the right direction. In his speech on October 16 he talked about what the "intriguing question for the future" would be: "How will the Radical-Liberal Party and the Centre party, which are approximately of equal strength, cope with the fact that one has two seats and the other only one?" In purely mathematical terms, a voter share of 14.3 percent is required to justify a claim to a seat on the Federal Council. Now, both parties would have roughly the same share.

At present, the situation for the Federal Council election is as follows: The Social Democratic Party, Greens and the Centre party are criticising the conservative majority in the Federal Council, comprised of the Radical-Liberal Party and Swiss People’s Party, arguing that it does not reflect the voting behaviour of the populace. It is clear thus far that the Social Democrats wish to fill the seat of retiring member of government Alain Berset, and the Greens aim to contest for seat currently held by the Radical-Liberals. The Liberal Green Party will not offer a candidate. It is also evident that neither the Social Democrats nor the Radical-Liberals wish to relinquish a seat on the Federal Council.

Once again, the so-called "magic formula", that is, the key for the distribution of Federal Council seats according to party affiliation, is being discussed. Here are the most significant proposals currently under consideration:

According to this formula, the largest party is allocated two seats and the subsequent five parties receive one seat each. Given the current voter shares, the distribution of seats would be as follows: 2 for the Swiss People’s Party, and one each for the Social Democratic Party, the Centre Party, the Radical-Liberal Party, the Greens, and the Liberal Greens. This would take into account that the Swiss People’s Party is by far the most dominant force, and the gaps trailing it are smaller.

According to this formula, blocks rather than parties are the deciding factor. The reason given for this is the similarities in strategies and plans of the Greens and the Social Democrats. According to this formula, it makes no sense to consider these parties separately because they are hardly distinguishable in terms of content. The three blocs would be as follows: 2 seats for the left block (Greens, Social Democrats), 3 seats for the centre block (Liberal Greens, Centre, Radical-Liberals) and 2 seats for the right block (Swiss People’s Party).

In this scenario, the distribution of seats within these blocks is left open. In fact, this formula should also equate to a 2-1-1-1-1-1 seat allocation. However, it's also conceivable that only the Social Democratic Party will have to relinquish one seat - to the Greens.

Radical-Liberal Party loses one seat to the Greens

The Social Democratic Party resists being lumped together with the Greens. In addition, a seat for the Greens at the expense of the Social Democratic Party would not strengthen environmental protection. The SP criticizes the majority of the Swiss People’s Party and Radical-Liberal Party in the Federal Council, which does not reflect the electoral strength. As a result, the Radical-Liberal Party would have to give up one seat to the Greens.

The concept of basing the distribution of seats on the strength of parliamentary groups rather than the proportion of voters, while still adhering to the 2-2-2-1 formula, has also been proposed. The strength of the parties in the Senate is of particular significance. Following the 2023 elections, the Centre Party is evidently the third-largest party in terms of parliamentary group strength, surpassing the Radical-Liberals, and would thus be entitled to one of the two Radical-Liberal seats.

Isabelle Bannerman

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The concept of the "magic formula"

Do we need a new "magic formula" for the Federal Council?

The prospects for the election of a Green Federal Councillor are not good: the centre-right has rejected it, and even the Social Democratic Party has doubts. Nevertheless, the question of whether the “magic formula” for the composition of the Federal Council needs to be reconsidered in the long term is a controversial one.

The Greens are giving it another try. In the elections of the Federal Council on December 13, they are trying to win a seat in the government with National Councillor Gerhard Andrey from Fribourg - at the expense of the Radical-Liberal Party, which provides two Federal Councillors. A difficult endeavor, as becomes clear right at the beginning of the discussion in the SRF-broadcast “Arena”.    

“I find it a bit amusing, to be honest”, said Radical-Liberal National Councillor Daniela Schneeberger. In her opinion, the Greens are proceeding without any strategy, just like four years ago. Back then, they launched an unsuccessful attack on the seat of Radical-Liberal Federal Councillor Ignazio Cassis with the former party president Regula Rytz.    

“Moreover, none of the notable Green candidates want to run”, Schneeberger added, implying that in addition to Gerhard Andrey, numerous well-known figures from the Greens had declined a candidacy at the present time.    

Susanne Stöckl

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The majority of the Social Democratic parliamentary group supported the Green candidacy four years ago. So far, the party has not yet taken a position on Andrey’s candidacy.    

The outgoing Council of States member Hans Stöckli (Social Democratic Party) was however “surprised” by the Green candidacy and critically assessed it in the “Arena”: “The problem is: A change in the magic formula cannot simply be achieved spontaneously - one must gather forces up to the centre for this.”

The magic formula for the composition of the Federal Council stipulates that the three strongest parties (Swiss People's Party, Social Democratic Party and Radical-Liberal Party) are entitled to two seats each in the Federal Council, while the fourth strongest party (the Centre) is entitled to one.

Green parliamentary group president Aline Trede, however, was unimpressed by this. “The point is: Over a quarter of the voters are not represented in the government.” Because the Greens and the Liberal Greens are not in the Federal Council, about 75% of the voters are currently represented in the government. According to Trede, the Radical-Liberal Party is also at a historic low: “With two seats, the Radical-Liberal Party is clearly overrepresented.”

Claire Micallef

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Nicolò Paganini, National Councillor from the Centre, also considers the magic formula to be outdated. However, there is a maxim: “We do not vote out Federal Councillors.” In the long term, however, two Federal Council seats would have to go to the center camp, says Paganini. The politician also has his eye on the Radical-Liberal Party: “We have more seats in the National Council.” But in his opinion, the question only arises if a Radical-Liberal Federal Councillor were to resign.

The Centre does not vote out incumbent Federal Councillors - that's hilarious

“The Centre does not vote out incumbent Federal Councillors - that’s hilarious”, criticised National Councillor Thomas Matter from the Swiss People's Party. “The then Christian Democratic Party was significantly involved in the plot to vote off Federal Councillor Christoph Blocher in 2007.” However, the Swiss Poeple's Party stands by the magic formula. Should the Centre overtake the Radical-Liberal Party at some point, the distribution of seats in the Federal Council would have to be re-evaluated accordingly, says Matter. 

Debate on the distribution of seats

Change in the composition of the Federal Council?

Pfister warns the Radical-Liberal Party: "The Centre has the numbers"

The party president calls on the liberal Federal Councillors to handle power responsibly and not as a right-wing bloc with the Swiss People's Party.

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The president of the Centre Alliance, Gerhard Pfister, has warned the two Radical-Liberal Federal Councillors against adopting a ‘ruthless policy’: indeed, after last October's federal elections, their position in the government has become less legitimate, he said.

The Zug politician stated this in Thun in front of the delegates of his party. If the majority held by the “right-wing pole” within the federal executive does not exactly correspond to the numbers that came out of the ballot box, neither is the left’s claim to obtain three seats in the government justified. 

If one were to base it on the seats in the federal chambers, the Radical-Liberal Party would no longer have the right to re-nominate both of its Federal Councillors for re-election in December. Despite this, Pfister emphasised that “out of respect for its institutions”, his party prefers not to reject any current member of the Federal Council.    

It is therefore even more important that Ignazio Cassis and Karin Keller-Sutter “take responsibility for the general well-being of the entire population and do not exercise, together with the representatives of the Swiss People's Party, the simple power logic of a right-wing majority bloc.” The statements by the Centre’s president were greeted with a long applause from the delegates.    

“These two Federal Councillors must manage power more responsibly.” The fact that one has the numerical power to impose one’s will does not mean that one simply does it, especially where the principle of concordance applies, says Pfister. “Just because you are able to do something does not mean you have permission to do it.”    

At the first meeting of the Federal Council after the elections, the right-wing majority of the government decided that two pending initiatives concerning healthcare costs would only be submitted to the people in the summer of 2024, and not as soon as possible.

In this case, a ruthless policy of power was exercised, Pfister stated, “and this in regard to what is one of the main concerns of the Swiss people.” But the centre-right, the president reminded, expects something different from the Radical-Liberal members in the Federal Council.

In October, the Centre obtained a voter share of 14.1% in the National Council elections. This is an excellent result, Pfister said. Previously, the Christian Democratic Party and the Conservative Democratic Party reached 13.8% together.    

President Pfister warns the Radical-Liberals

"If I am invited to continue, I will happily do so. Otherwise, I will pursue something else," says foreign minister Ignazio Cassis. A reflection on the Swiss government and the Centre Party's gain in the last elections.

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A historic shift occurred in the last federal elections, with the Centre party surpassing the Radical-Liberal Party to become the third-largest political force in the country. This situation “exerts pressure on the Radical-Liberal Party” says political scientist Nenad Stojanovic. It is the only party with a seat in the Federal Council that has lost ground, marking the second time since 2015.

In the House of Representatives the balance has shifted. What implications does this have for Ignazio Cassis, who is a member of the Radical-Liberal Party, especially in light of the upcoming Federal Council elections on December 13? “I am more than happy to leave answering questions regarding the composition of the Federal government to the parties. That’s not what I'm concerned with. I am content with performing my duties. If I am requested to carry on, I will be more than willing to do so, otherwise, I am sure I will find plenty of worthwhile tasks to do,” he says.

In essence, Ignazio Cassis is content. “I have always slept peacefully and continue to do so, although I must confess that of late, the world beyond Switzerland - Ukraine, Russia, the Middle East, Armenia, Azerbaijan - is causing me considerable concern. I sense a continental unrest that does not bode well,” he admits.

And how does Cassis interpret the results of this election? His perspective is from overseas, where Switzerland is perceived as a beacon of “unwavering stability,” he stated. “For us, it’s a matter of gaining eight seats, losing two seats, adding one seat. In reality, compared to all the other nations on the European continent and beyond, we are truly in a state of stability,” he concluded.

The calmness of Ignazio Cassis

Balthasar Glättli: "The parliament must ensure that all political forces are represented"

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Although the Greens lost five seats in the National Council after the federal elections, they have entered the race for the Federal Council, attacking one of the two seats held by the Radical-Liberals. Green Party President Balthasar Glättli explains. 

For the Zurich national councillor, the context needs to be clarified. "The PLR achieved the worst result in history, while we Greens achieved the second-best result in our history," he argues.

"It also raises the question of the PLR's legitimacy. It has two seats, 0.2% more than the Centre [which has just one]. It's clear that the magic formula no longer works," says Balthasar Glättli on RTS's Forum program on Saturday.

"The vision of the magic formula at the time was to represent all the major political forces in the country," he details. If the political representation of the time was faithful to reality, the president of the Green Party believes that this is no longer the case today.

"The Greens have been on the political scene for years. And for decades, we've proved that we're a party that knows how to take on responsibility in governments, cantons and major cities, without fail," asserts the National Councillor.

In fact, the ecologist party has decided to attack the PLR's second seat, without targeting either of them in particular. "If need be, it's up to the PLR to decide if they want to stand again to keep the seat that belongs to them," explains the chairman.

>> Read: Green candidates for Federal Council despite recent defeat

"Elections to the Federal Council are not like group elections," says Balthasar Glättli. Although there will be voting recommendations from the parties, "it is the 246 elected members of both Houses of Parliament who will make their choice by secret ballot".

The Greens are therefore banking on individual votes. "It's up to each and every one of us to make our choice and to ensure that all the political forces are represented," says the man from Zurich. "This is what differentiates our system from that of majorities and minorities in other countries."

For the moment, no candidacy has been announced. They will be posted by the persons concerned before November 3, the closing date for applications.

The Greens want a seat on the Federal Council

"The hard right is over-represented in the Federal Council"

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Cédric Wermuth, the Co-President of the Social Democratic Party, spoke to RTS about the announcement from the Greens expressing their desire to secure one of the two Radical-Liberal Party seats on the Federal Council. He also assured that the Social Democratic Party will endeavour to challenge the "over-representation of the hard right" within the upper echelons of the national executive.

The Greens announced that they were entering the race for the Federal Council, despite their clear setback last Sunday. A surprise for Cédric Wermuth.

"I must be quite frank with you, we were all rather taken aback because the Greens had previously stated that they wouldn't run for candidacy unless they surpassed 10%. Despite not achieving this, they still announced their candidacy," he remarked on RTS's evening programme "19h30".

Despite his surprise, Wermuth views the Greens as legitimate in their endeavour. "When you consider the Radical-Liberal Party's historic score - in a negative light - it's entirely justified. We now have two or three parties who could potentially lay claim to one of their two seats."

Radical-Liberal Party's seat in the crosshairs

"What is evident following these elections is that the two Federal Council members of the Swiss People’s Party and the two members of the Radical-Liberal Party no longer embody the will of the people or the parliamentary majorities," he declares.

If the Greens are indeed planning to challenge for the Radical-Liberal Party seat, they are relying on the backing of the Social Democratic Party. Although his party has not yet initiated discussions with either the Greens or other parties, the Wermuth expresses his desire to "seriously consider this possibility", viewing the current situation as "untenable".

Cédric Wermuth highlights the over-representation of right-wing parties in the Federal Council, with its two Swiss People’s Party and two Radical-Liberal Party members. He believes that this dominance has led to the major industrial lobbies wielding excessive power over the Federal Council in recent years.

According to Wermuth, this is one of the primary reasons why Switzerland has been unable to advance on climate issues or the European dossier. "If we have the opportunity to alter this majority, it will undoubtedly be a central objective of the Social Democratic Party for this legislative term."

Lastly, the issue of expanding the Federal Council to nine seats is becoming increasingly urgent. According to Cédric Wermuth, the departments are "too large". He laments that Switzerland is the "last country in Europe with only seven ministers."

Social Democrat Cédric Wermuth surprised

The strengths of a ‘weak’ Swiss government

For 175 years Switzerland’s seven-member Federal Council has led the country through thick and thin, earning a lot of trust. The secret of its popularity also lies in the accessibility of its ministers.

At first glance, it looks like one of the many restaurants that can be found across the Swiss capital, Bern. Good food and wine, outdoor seating and friendly hosts. But there are four things that make this restaurant stand out: its location, its name, its dining room and its clientele. Located next to the Swiss National Bank and opposite the Federal Palace overlooking Parliament Square, the Café Fédéral sits right at the political heart of Switzerland.

Portraits of all the women and men who have governed Switzerland over the past 175 years cover the walls of the first-floor dining room. Back in the day, cabinet ministers met here for lunch after their weekly parliamentary sessions.

Today, ministers usually don’t have time for such intimate lunches with their peers, but they are still up for a quick coffee and a chat with old and new acquaintances. When they meet in the Café Fédéral or anywhere else in Bern, they usually turn up without police protection or bodyguards. Mingling with the public and experiencing their everyday life is an integral part of a political system that is not only efficient by international standards but is also valued as a democracy.

Statistics published by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) clearly show that the Swiss are very satisfied with their country’s political efficiency and their democracy, while the population of neighbouring Italy feels the complete opposite about their government.

In autumn 2022 the post-fascist politician Giorgia Meloni took the helm of the 68th government in 77 years. Since 1946, as many as 1,300 ministers have been sworn into office in Italy, while in Switzerland only 121 ministers have vowed to uphold the Constitution since it was adopted in 1848. In other words, Switzerland “goes through” 25 times fewer government officials a year than Italy.

A study by the University of Bern shows that one significant reason for this is the extremely high level of trust the Swiss have in the seven-person Federal Council, which forms the government. According to the Federal Statistical Office, public trust in the government has been on the rise for the past 20 years.        

But it’s not only the facts and figures that distinguish the Swiss government from the executive branches of other countries. Political scientist Rahel Freiburghaus has found other practical differences that set the Swiss apart, for example the government’s role in politics.

“Compared with other countries, the Swiss government is not the sole decision-maker; it’s more of a mediator who brings together the different interests of the population,” she said.

One of the reasons is that through their popular rights the Swiss have the opportunity to put every new law to a referendum or bring about constitutional amendments by launching a popular initiative. “While the government has to fully and transparently inform the Swiss citizens about an upcoming federal vote, it sometimes has to act as a mediator between the cantons,” she explained.

Since 1848, when the founding fathers – women and other parts of the population were excluded from voting for a long time – created the Federal Council as the executive body, the system has largely remained unchanged: in the past 175 years, several attempts to launch reforms, such as enlarging the Federal Council or introducing direct federal elections, have failed. Three such initiatives were put to the people in 1899, 1939 and 2011 and were rejected.

As the parties nominate the ministers and the members of parliament elect them, the parties have to reject certain politicians when it comes to selecting candidates for high-level government positions who are likely to win a majority. “We do not need sharp-tongued doers who follow the party line; we need team players with good communication skills,” Freiburghaus said.

This is the only way to find viable solutions in Switzerland’s multi-layered political system of divided powers. After all, the Federal Council is at the centre of the political decision-making process.

For a long time, observers and experts struggled to find the right category that defines the Swiss system, as it fits neither in the parliamentary nor the presidential box. In parliamentary democracies like Italy, the United Kingdom and Australia, voters directly elect the parliament which, in its majority, has the power to determine the government, but can also overthrow it.

In a presidential system like in the US, the House of Representatives and the Senate are elected by direct popular vote. So, how does it work in Switzerland? Here, the majority of parliament – which consists of the House of Representatives and the Senate – votes for every government member individually and according to their seniority. The system does not allow for a minister to be removed in the four years between elections, and it hardly ever happens that one of the seven ministers does not get re-elected. Since 1848, this has occurred only four times, most recently in 2007 when former Justice Minister Christoph Blocher lost his seat in government.

The fact that the Swiss government does not have a head of state also distinguishes it from other countries. The role of the president rotates annually among the ministers and adds to their duties at home and abroad, but it does nothing to increase their power. 

Like other democratic ideas inspired by the French Revolution, such as direct democratic rights, the concept of collegial government was quickly abandoned in centralised France but found fertile ground in Switzerland, which consisted of many small political communities. The collegial system was given constitutional status in 1848.

Another democratic idea of the French Revolution was to support a strong legislative branch (parliament) and a weaker executive branch (government).

“In legal terms, the Federal Council forms one of the weakest governments in Europe,” says Adrian Vatter, professor of Swiss political science at the University of Bern and author of the book “Der Bundesrat – die Schweizer Regierung” (The Federal Council – the Swiss government).

This, however, is only half the story. “The Swiss parliament has a lot of power, but resources are scarce, and it is not very professionalised.” For this reason, the powers between the legislative and executive branch are fairly well distributed in Switzerland.

Even though the “directorial system” with its mini cabinet has worked well in everyday life, the Federal Council regularly comes under fire in times of crisis.

This was the case in 2020, at the start of the Covid-19 pandemic, when the government postponed a scheduled referendum, or in spring 2023, when Switzerland’s biggest bank UBS took over its crisis-ridden rival Credit Suisse. In both cases the government applied emergency powers as a last resort which triggered new debates on the strengths and weaknesses of the Federal Council within the Swiss political system.

This, however, is a question that increasingly affects individual members of government in times of media influence and personalisation. Switzerland’s tabloids regularly conduct popularity polls, which have recently found that Defence Minister Viola Amherd is the minister most Swiss would like to meet for a coffee at the Café Fédéral.

In Switzerland, federal laws are generally subject to an optional referendum. This means that a new law can be challenged by popular vote if 50,000 signatures are collected within 100 days of the official publication. In case of urgency, the majority of the legislative power can allow the law to come into force immediately. A possible referendum will only take place afterwards. 

The Federal Council’s emergency powers as they stand today were introduced in 1999 when the Federal Constitution was revised. The Federal Council can apply emergency powers based on articles 184 and 185 of the Swiss Constitution. Emergency powers were first applied in 2008 when Switzerland’s biggest bank UBS was rescued. In 2020 it was applied 18 times during the Covid-19 pandemic and was last used in 2023 when the government bailed out the collapsed bank Credit Suisse.

What makes the Federal Council unique

Anyone with Swiss citizenship and the right to vote can become a part of the government, but how does this process work? An explainer.

How are members of the Federal Council elected? Here is a question-and-answer guide to explain one of the key moments in Swiss federal politics. 

Who elects the members of the Federal Government?

The Federal Council is elected by the Federal Assembly, which consists of the House of Representatives and the Senate. The election takes place during a plenary session, usually in the first session after a position becomes vacant.

Who can be elected to become a member of the Federal Council?

To be elected to the Swiss government, one must hold Swiss citizenship and have the right to vote. There is no requirement to formally be a candidate or nominee, nor is it necessary to already hold a position in one of the federal chambers.

Can a member of the Federal Council also hold other positions?

Members of the Federal Council are not allowed to hold any other political positions (federal or cantonal) and are also not allowed to earn money in other positions.

How is a new member of the Federal Council elected?

The Federal Assembly votes by secret ballot. In the first two rounds, anyone who is eligible can receive votes; those who gather fewer than 10 are excluded from the second round. From the third round, no new names are permitted; if no one achieves an absolute majority, the candidate or nominee with the fewest votes is excluded from the next round. Voting continues until a candidate or nominee achieves an absolute majority, that is, at least half of the valid votes cast plus one (excluding blank ballots and those considered void). If several vacant seats need to be filled, the order of seniority of the outgoing member is decisive. Ballots are destroyed after the vote count.

How is the whole Federal Council elected?

Every four years, the Federal Council members are (re-) elected. The proceeding is the same as electing a new member, as described above, but starting with the incumbent members of Council, proceeding by order of seniority in the first session following the federal polls. Once the seven members are elected, the selection of the chairperson and deputy for the following year is made.

How long does a member of the Federal Council remain in office?

The term of office is four years, with no limit on renewal.

What happens if a candidate or nominee withdraws before or during the vote?

Voting still takes place and the person concerned is still eligible. They can reject the election, as can anyone who is elected, and consequently a new election must be held.

What is the so-called "Night of the Long Knives"?

It is the night before the election, during which final agreements between parties are made to perfect strategies, or perhaps even to make sure candidates they don't want elected are removed. The so-called "Night of Long Knives" can be traced back to what occurred in 2007, when an understanding between the Social Democrats and the Centre party (a merger of the Christian Democratic and the Conservative Democratic parties) led to the ousting of Christoph Blocher from the Federal Council and his replacement by Eveline Widmer-Schlumpf.

No, there is no fixed allocation either in terms of political affiliation, geographical origin or language. It is the responsibility of the Federal Assembly to ensure fair representation in the government. Typically, the party of an outgoing member presents a shortlist of candidates and nominees in the election and retain the seat, but other parties may put forward their own candidates and nominees and even succeed in getting them elected, as recent history has demonstrated. 